Sunday, September 19, 2010

Inflation Targets and Psychology

Tyler Cowen has an excellent write-up over at the New York Times about the Fed's reluctance to announce an explicit inflation target. In sum, it asks why, when our monetary policy is clearly inflationary, our monetary authorities aren't forthcoming in that. I think the question is important, because, as Tyler notes, "if [the Fed] could just convince Americans that it was committed to monetary expansion and economic growth, it would help the economy pick up speed."

The Federal Reserve, even at its most proactive, still needs to be seen as proactive in order to implement effective policy. Let's think about why that is. Say the Fed starts aggressively ratcheting up QE tomorrow. We'd get all this new money flooding our economy and basic Econ 101 tells that our preexisting dollars should lose value. But here's the wrinkle: that inflation isn't a macroeconomic given–we expect it because we acknowledge that inflation, like any aggregate trend, is closely related to certain microeconomic processes. The microeconomic process that does all the legwork here is a demand shift responding to a supply hike. It's weird to think of a world in which, say, an influx of bargain-basement iPods wouldn't discount prices across the board. Retailers selling at the pre-glut prices would be forced to run sales even if it meant taking a loss: anything's better than cannibalising the full purchase price of unsold inventory. Well, QE works on the same principle: the central bank infuses the money supply with bargain-basement dollars, and we expect to see prices react. Money should become cheap, and we should need more of it to buy bread.

But we've spent the last two years pursuing aggressive QE, and money's still expensive! Why? Well, to use the iPod example above, imagine that same supply glut consisting in snow shovels. Now, no one really alters his buying habits of snow shovels too dramatically. And even when he does, it's not in response to price cues. No one reads the Sunday circular looking for a killer deal on a snow shovel. No one buys snow shovels in bulk when they happen upon such a deal anyway. All the retailers know this, so they don't fret over demand droughts because of bargain-basement alternatives elsewhere; we'll never find them; we'll never look. And ultimately, this means snow shovels exhibit a pretty high demand inelasticity relative to supply. We might change our consumption patterns, sure–but it's because of snowfall, season and weather.com. We could care less if we're not the utility-optimising paradigm of snow shovel consumer who'd pounce on a good deal in a heartbeat–frankly, there's more utility in not being snow shovel hypervigilant.

And right now, money is demand inelastic to supply too. Usually it isn't. Usually consumers are hypervigilant about the "price" of money, because usually they're quick to jump on a good loan opportunity. We all want that first house, or that sweet refinancing deal, or that business loan so we can finally jumpstart our entrepreneurial dream. But no one is looking. No one is keyed into the opportunities sitting there over there idle in the bargain-basement corner of the loan business. And as a result, we're stuck with snow shovels: there's no systemic adaptation to supply shift, there's no discounted dollar; there's no discounted dollar, so there's no increase in prices. There's no inflation!

The short-and-simple as to why this is happening is the liquidity trap. At least, that's the most likely contender. The liquidity trap says what I just said in a nutshell: there's no responsive lurch to increased money supply because no one's looking. But this defies conventional microeconomics. We should be looking. We should be out there shopping, because this is the epitome of buyer's market. And our spending and haggling and wheeling and dealing should be smoothing out the QE by spreading its effects across the entire breadth of our economy. But it's not, because, as the liquidity trap teaches us, we're in a weird microeconomic position: what consumers should be doing isn't what they are. And what consumers are doing is reeling from their former experience in acquiring debt. Consumers got a raw deal in their last run-ins with loans; they've learnt not to shop. Fool me once, right?

This is really the crux of Cowen's argument, even though he left it implicit. By stating a firm commitment to hiking inflation, the Fed would be caressing wary debtors. It'd be advertising a once-in-a-lifetime sale that you just can't miss. Think about it: if you score a loan at 3% interest and we ultimately spike inflation to 3 as well, you're taking on debt for free!

But what Cowen's article leaves me wondering is if, in addition to all his reasons the Fed's kept mum, there isn't another even-more-important one: not everyone takes on debt in anticipating inflation. Many others prepare for it by choosing high-yield investments, thereby keeping up current returns. And since high-yield investments also tend to be long-term ones, that means the Fed could inadvertently end up locking money out of the very economy it hoped to push more into.

6 comments:

  1. I'm far from an "expert" on macroeconomics, but I've got an alternative (or perhaps supplemental) explanation for the mysterious lack of inflation despite the Fed's near doubling of the monetary base: the collapse of structured finance.

    When I took Macroeconomic Theory back at undergrad, the macroeconomic model we studied assumed that wealth could be held in one of two forms: money, or illiquid assets. Of course, in reality, the liquidity of a given asset falls somewhere along a broad spectrum. Money is the most liquid, but it is grossly misleading to lump negotiable treasury securities in the same category with, say, title to a shopping mall.

    In recent decades, great efforts have been made to enhance the liquidity of otherwise illiquid assets, often through mind-bogglingly complex contractual agreements (insert minor chords.) For a long time, these transactions managed to create liquidity out of thin air, and very efficiently greased the wheels of the economy. Unfortunately, we all know how that story ended. What not many people seem to appreciate is the amount of good that was accomplished by means of structured finance, or the staggering magnitude of the liquidity that went up in smoke when structured finance collapsed in 2008.

    You don't have to look very hard to find an article or op-ed accusing U.S. corporations of hoarding cash. Just google "sitting on piles of cash" (in quotes). From the reporting on the issue, you'd think that fatcat corporate officers are literally sitting in rooms full of currency, laughing manaically at the plight of Main Street. That a business needs to maintain a buffer of liquidity, and that since the collapse of structured finance the only way to do so is to hold a significant reserve of cash, seems to escape the piercing inquiry of U.S. journalists.

    Basically, my theory is far simpler* than Mr. Cowan's: while the supply of money has grown dramatically, so has the demand for money. This increased demand for money is invisible to the vast majority of Americans, and is counterintuitive during an economic slump. I don't have data on U.S. corporate balance sheets in front of me, but I'm guessing that the new "piles of cash" that corporations are "sitting on" add up to at least a significant portion of the money that the Fed has injected into the economy since 2008, perhaps the bulk of it. Hey, maybe I should do a project on this question as part of my Q.A. studies.

    If I'm correct, then we should be on guard against some very destructive runaway inflation if and when structured finance is rebuilt. Once those evil, greedy corporations discover that, hey, they're free to actually USE that cash for something other than a rainy day fund, we can expect a flood of money to actually circulate, rather than merely being "in circulation."

    *(I do not mean to suggest that this simplicity is reason to prefer my explanation over that of Mr. Cowan. Far be it to me to appeal to Occam's Error...er, I mean "Razor.")

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  2. I think, if I understand Mr. Fisher properly, his thesis boils down to a pretty compelling observation--and one fitting completely within the narrative. In essence, the cross-elasticity between liquid instruments is pretty high. Securitised assets (like mortgage-backed securities) are one. Money is, of course, another (the very essence of liquidity itself). Firms and individuals finding themselves invested in the former got scared and substituted money (and still are). And this money then moved on to function as the good once replaced--reinvested to realise a similar return. All this ended up displacing the surplus in money--and continues to displace it--into a surplus of securitised debt. But, the argument goes, this is transient: the house of structured finance gets rebuilt and the surplus swings to money once more. Once there, inflation takes off.

    At first glance this seems to downplay consumer risk aversion--the story becomes bargain-basement MBSes rather than people foregoing cheap debt. But I think it's one side of the same coin. I don't really think this cross-elasticity accounts for the total demand slump, but I do think it's partly to blame. And I think it springs from the same source: risk aversion, this time by institutions. So, in my view, Mr. Fisher's reflections are invaluable. They underscore the same behaviours as Cowen, and they give us more insight into its cause.

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  3. My last name is spelled "Fischer." Come on, John, you've seen my face. Does my jaw look English to you?

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  4. You know, I've never paid much attention to jawline. Noses, however, I am acutely aware of--given how mine is annoyingly Slavic.

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  5. I can't say I've ever noticed anything unusual about your nose. My gigantic, square, German jaw, on the other hand, is pretty conspicuous.

    The last time I was clean-shaven, I noticed that I had put on a little weight. My German facial features were less "Nazi propaganda poster" and more "lederhosen-clad tuba player."

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  6. Ha! No, I never thought a whit about my nose either. But a former significant other pointed it out randomly one night, when I was about 19 or so. All of a sudden, confirmation bias kicked in and everyone was embedding it everywhere in clever references. I have since developed more perspective, but do occasionally canvas about it--more out of curiosity than anything. Most people find it a bit prominent

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